Birmania democratica Concern (BDC) chiedere il cessate il fuoco immediato nello Stato Kachin e in Birmania

Birmania democratica Concern (BDC) chiedere il cessate il fuoco immediato nello Stato Kachin e in Birmania

20 Giugno 2011

Birmania democratico (BDC) condanna seriamente U Thein Sein cosiddetto regime civili attaccando il Kachin persone etnie e KIA.

U Myo Thein, il direttore della Concern Birmania democratica (BDC) ha detto: “Siamo con i nostri fratelli e sorelle Kachin in questo momento critico e ci saranno sempre. La sofferenza del popolo Kachin sono, crediamo, la sofferenza del popolo birmano. Noi sinceramente chiamata per il regime U Thein Sein di fermare immediatamente attaccare sulle persone KIA e Kachin. ”

U Khin Maung Win, il direttore della Concern Birmania democratica (BDC) ha detto “Noi non vogliamo la guerra in Birmania. Noi vogliamo la pace. Vogliamo la riconciliazione nazionale in Birmania. Quindi, smettere di attaccare sulle persone KIA e Kachin “.

Tinta U Shwe Ha Thi, il Patrono della Concern Birmania democratica (BDC) ha detto “” Non potevamo credere che il cosiddetto nuovo governo sta facendo di più offensiva attaccando sulle persone etnie ‘della Birmania. U Thein Sein regime sta attuando piano generale schiacciare ogni opposizione, utilizzando militare definitivo potrebbe “.

Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, il Patrono della Concern Birmania democratica (BDC) ha detto che “la crisi in Birmania non possono essere risolti attraverso la forza militare ma attraverso il dialogo. Birmania democratico (BDC) desidera chiamare per il regime U Thein Sein a smettere di attaccare etnie ‘popolo della Birmania, ma ripristinare tregua “.

Birmania democratico (BDC), desidero riaffermare la nostra posizione che lavoreremo fino a quando siamo in grado di ripristinare la democrazia, i diritti umani e Stato di diritto in Birmania che porta verso la creazione autentica unione federale in Birmania.

Per maggiori informazioni contattare:

U Myo Thein [Italy]
Telefono: 00-44-78 7788 2386
Telefono: 00-44-208 4939 137 


U Khin Maung Win [Stati Uniti]
Telefono: 559 3982 001-415

U Tint Swe Thiha [Stati Uniti]
Telefono: 001-509-582-3261
Telefono: 001-509-591-84

Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [Stati Uniti]
Telefono: 586 8309 001-509

Govt. Pressure Wrecks NLD Study Program

In this photo taken on November 19, 2010, members of National League for Democracy (NLD) sell posters of Burma’s pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her father general Aung San in front of their main office in Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters)
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Foreign scholars withdrew from a planned study meeting at the National League for Democracy (NLD) headquarters after pressure from the Burmese government, according to sources.
Win Htein, of the NLD, told The Irrawaddy that many scholars were very keen to come and meet the opposition party’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi and train its members, but their planned visit had to be been canceled.
The group were due to lecture students at the Bayda Institute from June 6 to 25 before addressing NLD members from June 20 to 28, but now even the first session has been moved to pro-government NGO Myanmar Egress instead.
“I think Kyaw Yin Hlaing, who currently works in Hong Kong, is afraid the government will revoke his passport if he speaks to NLD members. If Kyaw Yin Hlaing came to visit the NLD he could get into trouble, but he should still take the risk to find out what the result would be,” said Win Htein.
Dr. Kyaw Yin Hlaing is director of Myanmar Egress and also assistant professor of the Department of Asian and International Studies at the City University of Hong Kong.
Myanmar Egress is controversial for being closely associated with individuals connected to the Burmese Chamber of Commerce, and Kyaw Yin Hlaing also supported last year’s sham election in Burma.
Htike Zaw Oo, from Tavoy Township, Tenasserim Division, is studying at the Bayda Institute and says he feels cheated by the renowned foreign-based professors who have shunned the seat of learning.
“At first we were very happy that professors from foreign countries would be teaching us. We have been preparing for the training for nearly three months. But when the fixed date arrived they [professors] canceled these plans very easily,” said Htike Zaw Oo.
The NLD study course on “the principles of political science” was the first offered by the party for two decades and was scheduled to be taught by almost a dozen foreign scholars. Young NLD members from across Burma have already arrived in Rangoon to attended the session.
“The teachers did not arrive at the opening ceremony of the Badya Institute and it is hard for them to come to the NLD. Although they did not come to the opening of the Bayda Institute, they are still teaching at Myanmar Egress. It is like a balloon which has been pierced with a needle,” said Win Htein.
“We have been planning this tuition since March but Kyaw Yin Hlaing said on the phone that he cannot give the lecture because the government put pressure on him. The professors would be teaching at Myanmar Egress and Bayda at the same time,” said Myo Yan Naung Thein of Bayda Institute.
The Irrawaddy contacted Kyaw Yin Hlaing but he refused to comment.
Burmese scholars Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Tin Maung Maung Than and US attorney Thi Han Myo Nyun will all contribute to the training program.
They will be joined by foreign scholars Robert Taylor, Robert Gregory, Martin Painter, Mark Thompson, Federico Ferrara and Brad Williams from City University of Hong Kong; Michael Montesano from Singapore’s Institute of South East Asia Study; Eric Thompson from the National University of Singapore; and N. Ganesan from the Hiroshima Peace Institute in Japan.
http://irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=21454

BBC/Burmese: Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on Depaeyin Massacre

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC-TV Entertainment)

UN Meet Minutes leaked – Some Burmese NGOs Say Suu Kyi Hampers Their Work – Irrawaddy

Thursday, December 16, 2010

By HTET AUNG

Some Burmese non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have complained to aa United Nations envoy that their work has been hampered by the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and her active involvement in social issues.

The complaints were voiced in a meeting between Vijay Nambiar, the UN secretary-general’s special envoy to Burma, and representatives of local NGOs during his two-day visit to Burma. Unofficial notes on the meetings, obtained by The Irrawaddy, reported that the potential for opening up the country’s civil society groups to address the country’s social issues in the post-election period had been discussed.

Among those who met Nambiar were Nay Win Maung, of Myanmar Egress; Khin Maung Yin and Dr Myo Lwin of the Pyo Pin Program; Thiha Kyaing of the Phoenix Association (Myanmar); Myint Su from the Local Resource Center; and officials from the Metta Foundation and the International Development Enterprise.

The notes on the meeting said Nay Win Maung and Khin Maung Yin told the UN envoy it had become more difficult to carry out their social works after Suu Kyi’s release because of what they perceived as her hardline political stand. Her call for a second Panglong conference, for example, was “dangerous,” they said.

However, the notes didn’t elaborate precisely on how the NGOs felt Suu Kyi’s political stand could hamper their social works. The Irrawaddy tried to contact Nay Win Maung to obtain further elaboration but couldn’t reach him.

Nay Win Maung is one of the founders of Myanmar Egress, which actively promoted the Nov. 7 election through voter education programs. He also owns the local weekly journal The Voice. Khin Maung Yin is a leader of the Pyo Pin Program, which is funded by the UK Department for International Development via the British Embassy in Rangoon.

“They don’t view the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi positively,” said Thiha Kyaing. “They said they could do their social works better before Daw Suu was freed and that after her release the political situation became shaky. It was difficult for them to operate their works.”

Thiha Kyaing said he didn’t share these views. “Most of the people who met the special envoy are not really working at the grassroots level and they spoke mostly about policy issues, neither truly representing nor knowing the real situation of the community.”

Phoenix Association is a non-profit social organization and its members are people living with HIV/AIDS. The organization was established in 2005 with the objective of supporting HIV/AIDS patients facing social and economic problems.

Thiha Kyaing said the Phoenix Association had not experienced greater difficulty in carrying out its social work since Suu Kyi’s release, which the organization viewed positively.

“In fact, Daw Suu’s influence can even be used to raise funds for our work.” he said. “People in the communities that I am working with strongly support Daw Suu.”

In the unofficial meeting notes, Nay Win Maung and Khin Maung Yin said Suu Kyi needs to update her knowledge of the changes that occurred during her house arrest.

They complained they hadn’t had a chance to meet Suu Kyi—although Thein Oo, the National League for Democracy (NLD) official responsible for arranging all meetings with Suu Kyi, told The Irrawaddy: “There has so far been no request from Egress to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.”

Ohn Kyaing, the NLD central executive committee member responsible for contacts with other local organizations, dismissed the Egress and Pyo Pin Program complaints as “baseless.” He said: “Since her release, she has already made clear that she is willing to cooperate with all parties.”

Following her release last month, Suu Kyi has advocated a strengthening of the civil society organizations. In a video speech sent to the recent EU Development Forum, she called for more investment in the development of civil society organizations, adding that it must be “accountable and transparent.”

Opening remarks at UN Headquarters year-end press conference

Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
UNHQ

17 December 2010

Good morning ladies and gentlemen,

Before we begin, I want to make a statement on Côte d’Ivoire.

As of this morning, the situation has taken a dangerous turn.

Let me say clearly and directly: any attempt to obstruct UN operations or blockade the Golf Hotel is totally unacceptable.

Any attack on UN forces will be an attack on the international community.

I emphasize: those responsible for the loss of civilian lives will be held accountable.

In these circumstances, it is crucial for both parties to avoid provocations or a further escalation of violence.

The response by ECOWAS and the African Union shows the continent united in its commitment to respect the constitutional order and will of the people.

That is our message, as well: the results of the election are known. There was a clear winner. There is no other option.

The efforts of Laurent Gbagbo and his supporters to retain power and flout the public will cannot be allowed to stand.

I call on him to step down and allow his elected successor to assume office without further hindrance.

The international community must send this message — loud and clear.

Any other outcome would make a mockery of democracy and the rule of law.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Since this is the final press conference of the year, let me take a few minutes to reflect with you.

2010 was a big year for multilateralism — a big year for the United Nations.

We adopted a forward-looking action plan on the Millennium Development Goals.

We mobilized $40 billion for the new Global Strategy on Women’s and Children’s Health. And we just established a high-level Commission on accountability to ensure that commitments are tracked and results delivered.

We are making progress in the malaria fight.

After years of effort, we created UN Women and hired a dynamic new head of the agency, Michelle Bachelet.

We made advances in Nagoya on biodiversity.

In Cancun, Governments took an important step forward in building a low-emissions, climate resilient future.

They agreed on a balanced package of measures that formalizes mitigation pledges from all countries and ensures increased accountability for them. They made progress on forest protection, climate finance, adaptation and technology. We will build on this foundation as we look to COP 17 in South Africa.

We completed the first successful NPT Review Conference in ten years, and were able to advance my five-point plan on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.

We supported highly sensitive elections in Afghanistan and Iraq.

We strengthened the UN’s capacities for preventive diplomacy and mediation.

All told, we supported 34 different mediation, facilitation and dialogue efforts this year.

The persistent work of UN envoys helped, for example, to ease the crisis in Kyrgyzstan and keep a transition to democracy on track in Guinea. Next week, the Deputy Secretary-General will attend the inauguration of the newly elected civilian President of Guinea.

We advanced the fight against impunity by strengthening the International Criminal Court.

We have continued to assist Member States in resolving difficult issues and undertaking impartial inquiries on sensitive matters from the Flotilla incident to the Bhutto Commission to the Special Tribunal on Lebanon.

We enhanced efficiency and effectiveness on the ground through a first-of-its-kind Global Field Support Strategy, which concentrates support for various peacekeeping missions in single, more efficient regional hubs.

We responded to the devastating earthquakes in Haiti and Chile, as well as the floods in Pakistan. And we helped amplify the voices of the vulnerable, the billions around the world facing global economic insecurity.

Looking ahead, our challenge is to carry our progress forward.

Resources are tighter. Demands on the UN are growing. This requires us to focus more on prevention, preparedness, being proactive, being persistent – all within a framework that is transparent and accountable.

I will have much more to say next month on our agenda for 2011.

For the moment, let me say:

We will continue to closely watch the situation in Côte d’Ivoire.

In Sudan, I am deeply concerned by the recent clashes in Darfur. And in just a few weeks, the people of Southern Sudan will exercise their right to vote on their future.

The United Nations remains committed to supporting the parties to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and holding the referendum on January 9 next year. And we will work to help the two sides address common challenges in the aftermath.

We will seek to advance the Middle East peace process to realize the two-state solution, despite the absence of direct talks.

I once again urge the parties to engage seriously and be forthcoming on substance.

A meeting of the Quartet principals is expected early in the new year.

We will also continue to focus on improving life in Gaza. And I repeat: Israel must meet its obligation to freeze all settlement activity, including in East Jerusalem.

With respect to Myanmar, despite its serious shortcomings, the elections and the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were significant developments. Myanmar can and should build on them.

Our strategy is one of long-term comprehensive engagement. We will continue to work to help Myanmar meet the objectives of national reconciliation, democratic transition and respect for human rights.

And we will seek progress on many of the longer-term challenges – including peace and security in the Korean Peninsula, the Iranian nuclear issue, bringing a stable government to Somalia, and helping to reunify Cyprus.

With regard to Cyprus, we have worked to increase the momentum in the talks, and I plan to meet leaders next month in Geneva. Between now and then, I hope they will continue to build on common ground as I urged them to do last month here in New York.

Finally, a few words on Haiti.

I am concerned about allegations of fraud in the recent elections. A second round is scheduled for mid-January.

We will continue to support free and fair elections that reflect the will of the Haitian people.

I urge all candidates and their supporters to remain calm and refrain from violence.

With respect to the cholera challenge, our first priority continues to be saving lives. We are working to reassure the population that the disease can be managed through early treatment and some clear and simple steps.

It is crucial to get this message out, far and wide.

And we need more funding. The Cholera Response Strategy that we launched last month is still only 21 percent funded. Haiti needs more doctors, nurses, medical supplies, and it needs them urgently.

As you know, there are several theories on the origins of the cholera outbreak in Haiti.

Not all reports have reached the same conclusion. MINUSTAH and the Government of Haiti have conducted a number of tests. All so far have been negative.

But there remain fair questions and legitimate concerns that demand the best answer that science can provide.

That is why, pursuant to close consultation with Dr. Margaret Chan of WHO, I am announcing today the creation of an international scientific panel to investigate the source of the cholera epidemic in Haiti.

The panel will be completely independent and have full access to all UN premises and personnel. Details on the panel will be provided when finalized.

We want to make the best effort to get to the bottom of this and find answers that the people of Haiti deserve.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Looking back and looking ahead, I want to reiterate a point that I believe defines today’s complex and connected world.

Truly global action requires mobilizing support, creating broad alliances and building coalitions.

In the search for solutions, progress does not come with big bangs, but with steady, determined steps.

It is the accumulation of these small steps, these steady elements of progress that set the stage for larger changes — the breakthroughs of tomorrow.

We live in a unique multilateral moment — a world changing in the most dramatic ways since the end of World War II.

The United Nations must keep pace.

We have made progress this year. But we can and must continue.

Thank you for all your support and now I will be happy to take your questions.

http://www.un.org/apps/news/infocus/sgspeeches/statments_full.asp?statID=1039#

Burma Insight: 16 Dec 2010

BDC

16 Dec 2010

Yangon, December 16 — Chinese-aided Myanmar’s largest hydropower plant namely Yeywa Hydropower Plant with generating capacity of 790 megawatts together with its RCC embankment was opened yesterday at Pyin Oo Lwin town near Mandalay with pomp and splendour by Prime Minister U Thein Sein.

Built on Myitnge ( a ) Dokhtawaddy tributary of Ayeyarwaddy River just inside Shan State 31 miles South East of Mandalay by Chinese engineers and technicians together with their Myanmar counterparts with a total cost of US dollars 600 million including US dollars 200 million loan from China plus a large amount of local currency, it took Myanmar military government nine years from 2001 to finish building it.

In his inaugural speech at the site of the plant, PM Thein Sein hailed the opening of Yeywa Hydropower Plant “as the day the nation should be filled with great pride.”

According to Thein Sein, the Yeywa dam is not only the first-ever reinforced concrete ( RCC ) facility in Myanmar but also the third largest RCC dam of its kind in the world.

He said the plant has been installed with 790 megawatts generating capacity with four 197.5 megawatts generators. It would thus generate 3550 million kilowatt hours annually.

“The Yeywa Hydropower Plant will certainly fulfill the electricity needs of the nation,” the Prime Minister said.

In comparing the consumption of electric power needs by the people before 1988 and now, Thein Sein said before 1988 the nation could generate only 529 megawatts. “As generating of electricity have been speeded up after 1988, a total of 15 hydropower plants including Yeywa Hydropower Plant, one coal-fired power plant and 15 gas power plants, totaling 31 across the nation are now generating 3045 megawatts,” the PM added in his speech.

In addition he said more hydropower plants are being built. The statistics given by technicians on Yeywa dam is it is of RCC type, which is 2264 feet long and 433 feet high embankment with 448 feet wide spillway. Water storage capacity is 2.114 million acre feet.

Another major hydropower plant built by Chinese aid was Paunglaung Hydel power plant, which lies on Paunglaung River, a tributary of upper reaches of Sittaung River, 11 miles east of Nay Pyi Taw in Yamethin district, Mandalay Division.

This project is being implemented in two phases – the first phase namely the lower Paunglaung project was completed on March 24, 2005 and since then it has been supplying 140 megawatts electricity to Nay Pyi Taw and nearby areas.

In November 2005, eight months after the completion of lower Paunglaung the military government shifted the capital from Yangon to Nay Pyi Taw.

Upper Paunglaung phase of the project, which will also generate another 140 megawatts, is under construction.

The military government has never announced to what extent the Chinese have aided in building this Paunglaung Hydel plant and Paunglaung multi-purpose dam.

Though PM Thein Sein claimed that the newly opened Yeywa hydropower plant would fulfill the power needs of the people, the population of which has grown from 40 million in 1988 to 60 million now, some parts of major cities including Yangon up to now suffered hours long power cut off.

VALIDATED BY WIKILEAKS ON BURMA URANIUM SALES

December 16, 2010

Wikileaks is in the process of releasing over 250,000 United States
diplomatic cables. The less than 1% published so far have already changing
the way we think about the world. Hitherto secret information has been
revealed about one country after another. The cables have also made
evident that the U.S. regularly lies in its public statements about
international issues. The government isn t even close to being open with
American citizens and the people of the world.

For Burma, the Obama Administration is obliged under the Tom Lantos JADE
Act to disclose publicly what it knows about the SPDC s nuclear program.
The State Department has refused to publish the Act s Report on Military
and Intelligence Aid, even in the face of our Freedom of Information
filing, which was made eight months ago.

Wikileaks has provided an extraordinary opportunity to circumvent this
blackout. The organization has 1,864 cables from the United States Embassy
in Rangoon, and additional cables from other locations mention Burma as
well.

As of the time this statement was posted, at least nineteen of the
released cables involve Burma, and eight of these deal with nuclear and
related issues:

– The possible construction of a nuclear reactor – 04Rangoon88

– A large underground site in Magway, with North Korean workers –
04Rangoon1100

– How the SPDC s growing nuclear program is a barrier to U.S. engagement,
with reference to the detection of increasing military purchases from
North Korea and an alarming increase in the number of nuclear science
students studying in Russia (which number Dictator Watch first disclosed)
– 09Beijing2868

– The possible shipment of uranium ore to China – 07Rangoon105

– China revealing that Burma s North Korea relationship includes a nuclear
component and that the North is providing hardware and Russia software and
training – 09Rangoon502

– China promoting the idea that Burma-North Korea
cooperation is acceptable – 09Rangoon732

– An offer to sell uranium to the Embassy in Rangoon – 08Rangoon749

– Burma named as a WMD proliferation risk – 09State80163

The uranium sale cable is from September 23, 2008. It reports that a
Burmese national gave the embassy a vial that purportedly contained U-238.
The seller claimed to have 50kg of uranium-bearing rock in Rangoon, and
access to at least 2,000 kg more in Karenni State. However, it is not
clear when the offer took place. The cable header refers to another
communication from 2007 – State162091.

This cable validates intelligence about the availability of Burmese
uranium that Dictator Watch has previously published, albeit with some
differences.

At the end of 2006, we learned that a Burmese broker was offering to sell
yellowcake (low refined uranium). Our initial response was to inform the
U.S. We don t want a dirty bomb with Burmese uranium to go off someday in
New York, London or Bangkok. We were told to stay away from it – we had
offered to help arrange a sting – from which we concluded that the U.S.
already knew about it.

In July 2007 we mentioned the situation for the first time in an article,
Burma: A Threat to International Security and Peace. There was no
response, official or press, to our information. We subsequently described
the case in more detail in a 2009 article, Elements of a Nuclear Weapons
Program, Threat Assessment for Burma. In this piece we disclosed that the
broker had referred to a 60kg supply of yellowcake that was stored at an
industrial center near Bangkok, and that the material was under the
control of a Wa general. We also revealed that we had learned of a second
broker. There was no response to this information either.

While there are differences, U-238 versus yellowcake, and 50 versus 60
kilograms, we think it is likely that the broker that approached the
Rangoon Embassy was the same as the first that we heard about. We would
like to know the result of the U.S. testing on the sample that the Embassy
received, and why America didn t work to stop the broker. As far as we are
concerned, the threat of terrorism using Burmese uranium remains critical.

If the U.S. is interested, we can provide additional information on the
broker, from a document that mentions the yellowcake.

We have no doubt that as the bulk of the Burma cables are published, more
about the SPDC s role in weapons of mass destruction proliferation will
become known. We would also comment that these are State Department cables
– the CIA, of course, knows more than State – and that the latest cable is
from early 2010. Unquestionably, the U.S. has substantial and more recent
intelligence about the SPDC s proliferation, which in the interests of
openness it should reveal, without the need for a Wikileaks.

Problems for Burma’s Freedom (Bo Gyoke Aung San Speech)

We have then a big historic task which we have received from those who have gone ahead and passed, as an inviolable trust. How shall we fulfill it? Before we seek the answer to this question, it is essential in my opinion that we look round and find the threads that could lead us to the final solution. For the problems that confront humanity today are closely interwoven and form one indivisible fabric. Such is the order of the world today which is in a vast melting pot. Internationalism and nationalism, economics and politics, politics and sociology, sociology and culture, religion, ethics, etc., are but different parts of the one complex whole, each related to the other, ever changing in form and content.

We cannot think, live and move in watertight compartments only. We cannot keep on holding fixed, rigid dogmas which can no longer be in tune with the spirit of the times. Today in our country several of us have not yet been able to comprehend the phenomena of life and society in truer light. Some of us have been going still, consciously or unconsciously, about the same old way of “dirty” politics. But is politics really “dirty”? Certainly not. It is not politics which is dirty, but rather the persons who choose to dirty it are dirty. And what is politics?

Is it something too high above us to which we can just look up in respectful awe and from which we refrain, because we are just mortal clay in His hands and cannot do it? Is it, as some charlatans, roaming occasionally about in distant nooks of our country, used to prey upon the credulous imagination of some of our people, the kind of thing capable of being set aright only by fanciful tales and legends? Is it a dangerous ground which we must be wary to tread and might as well avoid, if we possibly could? Is it just a question of “race, religion and language” forever, as we were once wont to say? What is it, then, really?

The fact is that politics is neither high nor low, neither magic nor astrology nor alchemy. Nor is it simply a dangerous ground to tread upon. It is not also a question of bigoted or parochial nationalism either. It must always approximate to the truth of marching events. In short, after all is said and done, politics mean your everyday life. It is you in fact; for you are a political animal as Aristotle long ago declared. It is how you eat, sleep, work and live, with which politics is concerned. You may not think about politics. But politics thinks about you. You may shun politics. But politics clings to you always in your home, in your office, in your factories. There, everyday you are doing politics, grappling with it, struggling with it. The worker works for his wages, the peasant tills for his living, the clerk and the official toil for salaries, the trader and the broker struggle for decent incomes. It is, all, the question of livelihood. The worker wants to have higher wages and live in better conditions. The peasant desires to improve his land and his lot. The clerk and the official want something more than the drudgery of office, something more secure, more complete, more independent. The trader and broker want fair opportunities for trading and business.

Thus you have to live and get certain things that are yours for your living, and this is your politics. This is your everyday life; and as your everyday life changes, so changes your politics. It is for you to have such opportunities for your livelihood and better life that we say there must be freedom, freedom to live, freedom to create and develop nationally, and individually, freedom which can raise your and our standards without affecting others. And this is politics. Politics, then is quite human! It is not dirty. It is not dangerous. It is not parochial. It is neither magic nor superstition. It is not above understanding.

WikiLeaks: Singapore Lee says Myanmar ’stupid’

Alex Kennedy
AP
SINGAPORE-statista Singapore Lee Kuan Yew chiamata Myanmar i leader della giunta “stupido” e “densa” nelle conversazioni con i diplomatici statunitensi, secondo i documenti classificati pubblicato questa settimana da Wikileaks.
Il leader di Singapore ha detto che fare con il regime militare del Myanmar è stato come “parlare con la gente morta”, secondo un briefing riservato Stati Uniti su una conversazione del 2007 tra Lee e l’ambasciatore americano Patricia L. Herbold e il Vice Assistente Segretario di Stato Thomas Christensen pubblicato da Wikileaks.
Il 87-year-old Lee è noto per le sue valutazioni franco e schietto degli affari del mondo, ma evita di insultare pubblicamente la leadership dei paesi stranieri. Lee è stato primo ministro dal 1959-1990 e rimane un consulente senior a suo figlio, attuale primo ministro Lee Hsien Loong.
Un cavo pubblicato da Wikileaks un paio di settimane citazioni precedenti Lee chiamata della Corea del Nord leader “tipi psicopatica con un ‘tipo flaccido vecchio’ per un leader che s’impenna in giro per gli stadi in cerca di adulazione.” Il riferimento al leader della Corea del Nord Kim Jong Il è da un cavo citando una conversazione maggio 2009 tra Lee e vicesegretario di Stato James Steinberg.
Lee non ha commentato le uscite, mentre il governo di Singapore, li ha liquidati come “gossip” e messo in guardia contro la presa fuori dal contesto.
Nel cavo più recente pubblicazione, Lee ha detto che la Cina aveva il più influenza sulla leadership del Myanmar di qualsiasi paese straniero e che Pechino è preoccupata che il paese avrebbe “Blow up” e minacciano pertanto di investimenti cinesi lì.
“Lee ha espresso il suo disprezzo per la leadership del regime,” ha detto il cavo trapelato. “Ha detto di aver rinunciato a loro una decina di anni fa, li chiamavano ‘densa’ e ‘stupido’ e ha dichiarato di avere ‘cattiva gestione’ grandi risorse naturali del paese.”
Lee ha detto che l’India è stata coinvolgente leadership di Myanmar nel tentativo di ridurre al minimo l’influenza della Cina, ma che “l’India mancava di cogliere sottili della Cina come la Birmania lavorato”, secondo il cavo.
Lee ha detto che un gruppo di ufficiali militari più giovani meno ‘ottuso’ potrebbe prendere il controllo e condividere il potere con attivisti per la democrazia “, anche se probabilmente non con Aung San Suu Kyi, che era un anatema per i militari”.
Dopo più di sette anni agli arresti domiciliari, la leader democratica Aung San Suu Kyi è stata rilasciata 13 novembre, una settimana dopo la prima elezione del Myanmar in 20 anni, che hanno visto la vittoria schiacciante da parte di un pro-militari. I critici hanno denunciato la farsa elettorale come volto a cementare il controllo dei militari.
Singapore ha messo in dubbio la veridicità di alcuni documenti presumibilmente trapelare da Wikileaks e pubblicata da alcuni giornali australiani. I rapporti diplomatici Singapore inserito come fare commenti poco lusinghieri su Malesia, India, Giappone e Thailandia durante gli incontri con diplomatici statunitensi.
In una dichiarazione rilasciata in ritardo Martedì, Singapore ministero degli Esteri ha detto che “quello che i funzionari di Singapore sono stati accusati da Wikileaks abbia detto non coincidono con le nostre registrazioni.”
“Un incontro pretesa (tra Singapore e diplomatici statunitensi) non hanno nemmeno prendere posto”, ha detto.
Singapore il ministro degli Esteri George Yeo ha detto ai giornalisti all’inizio di questa settimana che, in ogni caso, questi cavi sono state interpretazioni delle conversazioni dei diplomatici degli Stati Uniti, e quindi non dovrebbe essere “sovra-interpretare”.
“Questi sono nella natura della conversazione cocktail”, ha detto Yeo. “E ‘sempre fuori contesto. Si tratta di pettegolezzi. “